Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation (ص 36)

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عنوان

Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation (ص 36)

المحتوى

and the Mughal empires (Saleh, 1979; Barakat, 1977; Habib, 1985;
Chandra, 1981). There is, moreover, additional evidence concerning
peasant movements in pre-capitalist formations amongst the Indian
(Habib, 1985; Chandra, 1981), the Eayptian (Barakat,1977; Saleh, 1979)
and the Syrian peasantry- of which Palestine was a part-
(Scholch,1982; Baer,1969; Owen, 1981) which further refutes the
validity of the AMP model.
Our study will demonstrate that Palestine under Ottoman rule, much
like other Third World economies, was not devoid of private ownership
of land. Gozansky's assumption that private ownership of land was
absent, or, as she sometimes calls it “relatively absent" (1986:22),
was not based on empirical data, but rather emerged as a necessary
conclusion from the theoretical approach she employs. As _ will be
demonstrated later in the study, the late nineteenth century land
tenure system and forms of production in Palestine were a complex
phenomenon which cannot be simply dismissed as "state property"
(contra. Gozansky, 1986:25-27).
The understanding of the Indian land lord class, the "Zamindari”
(Singh,1985; Habib,1985; Chandra,1981), of the Egyptian "Mugata'jis”"
(Saleh,1979; Barakat,1977), of the Syrian "Multazims" (i.e., tax
farmers), or of other local rural forms of land ownership (e.g., Mirs
of Lebanon and "Heads of Hamulas" in Palestine), must be approached as
specific historical examples and must be based on empirical evidence.
This study will demonstrate that the Ottoman state was never the
strong ‘absolutist' state described in the AMP model. In the early
nineteenth century, internal and external economic and political
pressures were already evident. These forces left thelr imprint on the
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هو جزء من

Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation

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١٩٨٩

المنشئ

Nahla Abdo-Zubi

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