Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation (ص 83)

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عنوان

Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation (ص 83)

المحتوى

The argument that Musha'a was widespread is hardly substantiated.
High figures quoted for the size of Musha'a - one estimate for
example, put the extent of Musha'a at 70 per cent of the total area of
Palestine (Baer, 1976:106) - lacked adequate documentation (11). The
only source cited, repeatedly used by various writers was information
collected by a Mr. and Mrs. Finn who served as British missionaries in
the mid 19th century (Ohana,1981; Taqqu,1980). However, since no land
survey was ever conducted in Palestine prior to 1929, all estimates
provided on the size of Musha'a land could best be considered as mere
guess-work. In fact, as the first land survey conducted in Palestine
in 1929 showed, most cultivated land was under the Amiri teem, with
title deeds established on almost every parcel (12). A similar
observation was made earlier by one land specialist, who suggested
that Musha'a was relatively very small and in terms of its
contribution to the fallah's income, secondary to the Amiri or the
Mulk (al-Murr,1924:66).
Moreover, the claim that the Musha'ta, or for that matter, any form
of land tenure presents an obstacle to capitalist development in
agriculture is theoretically, and in the case of Palestine,
empirically unjustified. Later in this study, it will be argued that
every form of land tenure can be subjugated to capitalism once the
latter penetrates agriculture.
At the empirical level though, it is known that the Musha'a form of
land use was practiced, mainly, in the central district of Palestine,
namely in the Marj area. The reasons for the emergence of Musha'a in
this particular area, according to some authors, were geo-political.
They argue that in order to avoid tribal raids in the hilly lands,
peasants residing in those areas moved down to the valley, the Marj,
69
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Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation

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المنشئ

Nahla Abdo-Zubi

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