Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation (ص 97)

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عنوان

Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation (ص 97)

المحتوى

1891. In 1894 another loan agreement between the state and the
Rothschilds was struck. Out of a loan of B.P. 9,033,574 contracted in
that year, the Turkish government's share was B.P 8,220,552. The rest
was paid in advance as interest (Suvla, R.S., 1966: 103-104).
These burdensome loans, as various historians noted, were not able
to save the decaying Empire. In1876 the Empire almost declared
bankruptcy when it stopped its cash payments for these loans (Owen,
1981; Suvla, 1966; Mao'z, 1968). The weakening of the Empire in the
late 19th and early 20th century facilitated the increasing
encroachment of western imperialism in the region.
Various writers have argued that the effects »f the legal changes
introduced in the 1850s were minimal. They maintain that, for fear of
conscription and high taxes required by the new policy, many
cultivators simply ignored the law and continued to cultivate their
lands as previously, dealing primarily with the head of the
village/Hamula (Warriner,1966; Scholch, 1982). So far as the legal
status of many Amiri holders was concerned, this claim is partially
correct. It has been reported that many peasants, in an attempt to
avoid paying taxes or exposing their male children by officially
registering their land with the state, had instead registered the land
in the name of the head of the Hamula or the local tax collector or
even used faked names (Owen,1981; Stein,1984). However, as will be
shown shortly, even those who did register their land and had title
deeds proving possession were not saved in the process. What was at
stake was not a mere legal change. Policy changes were but a_ legal
cover for a more complex process of socio-economic change which began
to grip the Ottoman Empire in the late 19th century.
83
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Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation

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المنشئ

Nahla Abdo-Zubi

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