Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation (ص 108)

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Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation (ص 108)

المحتوى

in their possession, such as working animals and tools. They could
also gain access to grazing grounds, water scurces and mills they
might need to support production on whatever piece of land was left in
their possession. The fact that the Marj, as explained earlier, was
the major area to develop the Musha'ta system, increased the chances of
the survival of share-cropping production.
Share-cropping in the late 19th century and early 20th century
began to find its way to many Amiri holders. Peasants who found
themselves indebted were forced to pawn their land or even to transfer
their title deeds to the name of the creditor to release themselves
from the burden of debt.
On most Amiri land, where production was organized around the
village/Hamula, heads of Hamulas were themselves the merchants and the
usurers. Hence, peasants who transferred their land to the head of the
village/Hamula continued to live on the land and probably to cultivate
the same piece of land they earlier owned. However, their presence,
rights and thelr relation to that land acquired a different meaning.
They cultivated the land not as free owners but rather on contractual
basis agreed upon by the new landowner. Surplus labour generated from
the land was divided between them and the new landowner.
Share-cropping, Firestone noted became widespread in the hilly
regions of Nablus and Jerusalem in the early 20th century. These areas
were for a long time under the control of a small number of Hamulas,
the most important of which were the Hussaynis and Abdel-Hadis
(Firestone,1975; Abu-Manneh,1986).
The significance of the emergence of the share-cropping system in
the village/Hamula organized form of production was not only
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Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation

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