The Dispossession of the Peasantry (ص 83)

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The Dispossession of the Peasantry (ص 83)

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67
through their own labor. The question is how the conditions of
production and reproduction are determined by the operations of
capital (in particular social formations and at the level of world
economy) and of the state.'3!
Asad’s study fits, in general, in this variant. I already discussed its main
drawbacks specific to Palestine.
Within the structural/historical approach, there are differences on a variety
of issues, but a “central debate” concerns that between those who adopt a
“differentiation perspective” and those who adhere to the notion of a “specific
peasant economy.” This study adopts the former while at the same time recognizes
that there are counteracting factors, in different contexts, that may slow down the
process of peasant differentiation. There is no need here to comment on the
extensive theoretical literature of this debate. It is sufficient to say that peasant
differentiation, to whatever extent, is and was an observed phenomenon in rural
areas. On the other hand, the “specific-peasant-economy” perspective offers some
insights on the ability of peasants and their “farms” to survive and how they
interact with, adapt to, and respond to capitalism. The existence of such peasants
and “family farms” sit side by side with large numbers of marginal “farms” and
landless households. %”
The structural/historical approach is the one used in this study. It considers
the environmental, technological, and demographic factors and the relationships
31Henry Bernstein, “Notes on Capital and Peasantry,” Rural Development, ed.
Harriss, 160.
2Harriss, “Introduction” to Part Two, 120.
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The Dispossession of the Peasantry

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المنشئ

Riyad Mousa

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