Agricultural Development in the West Bank (ص 173)
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- Agricultural Development in the West Bank (ص 173)
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and the establishment ofa
to talk about an impendil its rights to
tis
sovereign Palestinian state tha!
a national economic policys
io is the one spelled out in Camp
iti enario is 1
ic political sc
t total autonomy’
A i list:
dese icenl's for the people of
David accords, which talk abou
aut agreement on autonomy has proved
the Wiest Bank and Gaza Strip.
alks in this regard have
¢ than substantial since t
to be more semanti ;
divergences in political views.
come to a stalemate because of sharp
the three partners of the "Peace Treaty”
Three years after Camp David
are no closer to agreeing on the substance of the advocated
autonomy, Even if ultimately they manage to strike a compromise, it
May not be possible to implement because of strong opposition by
local residents.
A third scenario envisages continued Israeli occupation. This is a
Solid and fairly well-defined political discourse which has troubled
Most West Bankers for 15 years. Clearly enough, most sides
(including many Israelis) would like to see an end to this situation.
@it as we argued earlier, the questions of what to do next and when
0 do it are not likely to find easy answers.
The researcher has debated over the question of choosing a viable
Political scenario with many leading politicians and economists.
All Patestinian and Arab leaders who were interviewed in the course
°f this research recommended restricting developmental studies which
Are conducted by economists residing inside the occupied territories
*© the present context of continued occupation, whereas they agree
that
researchers stationed "outside" Palestine might embark on
Prob)
lems of a broader and More theoretical Perspective,
334
control of the West Bank (and the Gaza Strip) will continue in one
form or another for as long as Arabs remain unable to force Israel
to leave. This seems unlikely in the forseeable future. In the
Reantime Israel is likely to implement policies which are intended
to exploit their local resources and market potential to the best
interest of Israel's ailing economy.” bunting on the record of the
Past 15 years, this entails a grave and sometimes irrevocable
damage to some basic resources and sectors. Consequently, the
Priority should go, as Palestinian leaders see it, to taking those
Measures and policies which would help stop the deterioration of the
Jocal production base and ameliorate the impact of Israel's
annexation policies. To this end, the Arab Summit Conference of
1978 earmarked $150 millions and created a permanent agency, the
Palestinian-Jordanian Joint Committee (PJJC)+
However, developmental efforts launched by the PJJC and other inter-
national organizations (e-g. voluntary agencies, EEG UN specialized
bodies) are all faced with the chronic dilemma of inadequate
information. Statistics released by Israeli sources are far too
Snjectural (and possibly biased) to permit using them for planning
Purposes. Furthermore, they are not detailed enough to permit
Srawing conclusions for localized or specialized purpose: This
Sntails a distinctive "location" advantage to economists residing
in the territories themselves, which is not accadble to those living
Utside Palestine.
—_
.
Examples of economic exploitation were discussed earlier in this
thesis in chapters III, IV, and V.
oo
For example, statistics of all occupied territories are covered
by 43 pages in the Stati 1 as
contrasted to 677 pages devoted to Israeli statistic. - تاريخ
- ١٩٨٢
- المنشئ
- Hisham Masoud Awartani
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