The Proletarianization of Palestinians in Israel (ص 306)

غرض

عنوان
The Proletarianization of Palestinians in Israel (ص 306)
المحتوى
307
nate Palestinian labor force, particularly that imported from occupied
territories, with the potential for security risk and sabotage. This risk,
in turn, reduces its potential to replace, hence discipline and split the
Jewish industrial labor force in strategic economic sectors, thus neutral-
izing the import of Palestinian labor as a systematic method to impede the
possibility of cross-national proletariat alliance. At least one potential
obstacle to such an alliance is, in effect, removed. This, however, is not
to deny the possible existence of other far more impeding factors; neither
is it to imply that the use of imported or resident Palestinian-Arab labor
is neutralized from its disciplinary effect regarding all segments of the
Jewish labor force. It is mainly to point out the potential contradictions
in this realm, and the emerging need to explore other disciplinary methods
and means for the labor aristocracy. Such other means can be material and
non-material incentives, the import of labor with higher disciplinary poten-
tial, increasing the division of labor, already suggested by Eli Ginzberg
in light of United States experience in labor management. Central to the
policy of the Likud is the implementation of rather tough management of
labor, especially since the penetration of the military ex-generals into
civilian management and administration. The question to be posed here is
how to manage the contradictions likely to emerge from these managerial al-
ternatives? This leads us into the final issue -- prospective sources of
labor, in light of the conflicting investment/immigration incentives.
V. Immigration Versus Investment Incentives: Implications on Prospective
Sources of Labor
The post-1967 era, as we have previously mentioned, represents a shift
in emphasis regarding the primary function of the Jewish State. The shift
تاريخ
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المنشئ
Najwa Hanna Makhoul

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