The Proletarianization of Palestinians in Israel (ص 366)

غرض

عنوان
The Proletarianization of Palestinians in Israel (ص 366)
المحتوى
367
The lower rate of unemployment among Arabs, however, can be under-
stood only in light of the possibility for making it easily invisible by
pushing this labor force back into semi-subsistence traditional rural vil-
lages, And, also, in light of the lack of temporary absence from the
labor force for compulsory military service in the reserves army, which
applies mainly to the Jewish citizens. Thirdly, in light of their poli-
tical vulnerability and the non-applicability of most bourgeois civil
rights to them, which reduces the need for disciplining this labor force
by means of high unemployment rates. In the past, Arab labor force was
released through work permits just to meet the demand. The supply side
of this labor was never allowed to flow freely prior to this economic
development phase; as we have elaborately described in Chapter II. Mech-
anisms such as Emergency Regulations (inherited from the British Colonial
Mandate and denounced as "fascist" by many Zionists at the time of the
Mandate) used in previous years to regulate the entry-exit flows of citi-
zen-Arab workers into the Israeli labor market, made more possible the
use of Arab labor as a flexibility-displaying factor. Economically speak-
ing, the role played by these mechanisms is not dissimilar to the role of
racism in regulating the participation of blacks in the United States urban
labor market.
This, however, poses a question regarding the prospective use of citi-
zen-Arab labor as a flexibility-displaying variable in the new realities
created by the war. We are referring specifically to three new reali-
ties: first, the emergence of a modern labor market replacing the
Labor-Exchanges; mechanisms that have historically regulated the demand
and supply sides of labor in Israel since its very inception. Second,
تاريخ
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المنشئ
Najwa Hanna Makhoul

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