Palestine: A Modern History (ص 104)

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Palestine: A Modern History (ص 104)

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218 The Great Palestine Revolt: 1936-1939
were invited to the London conference. On the other hand they were
dismayed that immigration and land sales were to be excluded from the
discussions. The Jews wanted the British to crush the rebellion first and
foremost and then hoped that the disunity of the Arabs of Palestine
would prevent them from sending a delegation to the conference. They
were apprehensive that the proposed London conference would lead to
concessions to the Arabs regarding immigration and land sales in return
for an early end to the rebellion. The Zionist leadership regarded the
participation of the Arab States as an undesirable precedent and ‘they
wished the United States of America to participate actively’.!”°
From the outset it was clear that Iraq and Ibn Sa‘ud would be
‘ready to use their influence (whatever it may be) with Palestine leaders
to bring insurrection to an end and also to make the conference a
success’.'27 When British objection to the participation of the Mufti in
the Palestinian Arab delegation became known, MacMichael reported
that the majority of the Palestinian Arabs were disappointed,”° and
that the anti-Mufti faction began to show signs of life. Less than a week
after the British statement of Policy was published, Fakhri Nashashibi
published an open letter to the H.Cr. in which he claimed to be writing
on behalf of many moderates. In this letter he challenged the Mufti’s
leadership claiming that the moderate anti-Mufti leaders represented
75 per cent of the interests of the country and that their followers
represented more than, half of the Arabs of Palestine. In view of the
strong hostile reaction to Fakri’s letter Ragheb Nashashibi, then in
self-exile in Egypt, issued an immediate dementi disavowing his cousin’s
views. MacMichael reported that the controversy was possibly a ‘stage
battle’. As for Fakhri’s initiative MacMichael stated, ‘I think it more
than probable than Fakhri was induced by local Jewish politicians to
write his letter’.
It soon became evident that all efforts to discredit the Mufti had
backfired. On 29 November, MacMichael reported to MacDonald that
he had received more than 180 telegrams expressing confidence in the
Mufti and the Higher Committee ‘many of which bear a considerable
number of signatures. They have come from all parts of Palestine and
bear the names of persons in different walks of life ranging from
Mayors, Municipal Councillors, Christian and Moslem religious
dignitaries to shopkeepers’.
The London Round Table Conference
The Nashashibi Party did not carry sufficient weight to replace the
Mufti and on 23 November MacDonald announced in the House of
The Great Palestine Revolt: 1936-1939 219
Commons that the Palestine Arab delegation would represent all the
leading groups in the country. Early in December it was announced that
the Seychelles deportees would be unconditionally released to give
them an opportunity to being chosen to represent the Arabs at the
proposed London conference. After their arrival in Cairo, the British
announced that they had no objection to consultations between the
deportees and the Mufti before deciding on the membership of the
Palestine Arab delegation to London. Together with Jamal Husseini
they proceeded to Beirut to confer with the Mufti and come to an
agreement with him so that no settlement would be agreed to at the
conference without his approval.
It was agreed that the Palestine Arab delegation. would put forward
the demands of the Palestine Arab ‘national charter’ including the
demand for an independent Palestinian state with an Arab majority.
The Arabs were not to sit with the Zionists, and later events indicated
that the leaders agreed ‘that it was essential to intensify terrorism rather
than modify it, both before and during the discussions. . to inform
world opinion of what would happen if the Arab demands were not
met’.’?! It was agreed that Jamal Husseini would lead the delegation as
the Mufti’s representative and that Hussein F. Khalidi, Alfred Rock,
Musa Alami would be members of the delegation with George Antonius
and Fuad Saba as secretaries.
The Higher Committee had earlier approached Ragheb and had
invited him to accompany the delegation to London. At that time
Ragheb gave no reply. Later, however, the Palestine Administration
encouraged Ragheb, as did Tawfiq Abu el-Huda, ‘Abdullah’s Chief
Minister, and prodded him to name a rival delegation composed of
Defence Party leaders, which he did.!*? The Mufti refused to com-
promise at the beginning but he was induced by Arab statesmen to
accept Nashashibi and Farraj, both ex-members of the Higher Com-
mittee, as members of the delegation.
Before the London Round Table Conference opened on 7 February
1939,-the situation in Palestine began to show signs of renewed
rebel initiative.
Haining’s campaign against the rebels bands in the hills and villages
had the effect of shifting terrorism to the cities where sabotage, bomb-
throwing and assaults increased sharply. By late December a number of
prominent band leaders were in Damascus to discuss plans and obtain
rest and supplies. These leaders returned in January and were able to
intensify their attacks against British and Jewish personnel and
property, as well as collect levies in the cities. Severe restrictions on
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هو جزء من

Palestine: A Modern History

تاريخ

1978

المنشئ

Abdul-Wahhab Kayyali

مجموعات العناصر

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